Can Capitalism Save the Environment?

A colleague recently directed me to Rebecca Henderson’s TED Talk© entitled “To save the climate, we have to reimagine capitalism[1] and I was struck by a thought.  The, possibly oversimplification of the talk was this:

  • Businesses needed to start taking on issues of climate change, by charging their customers more and doing the environmentally conscious thing - for example paying more to properly dispose of hazardous waste;

  • Consumers need to start taking on issues of climate change by changing their purchasing behavior and supporting companies that act in environmentally responsible manners; and

  • Rebecca uses an impassioned narrative of a single Scandinavian waste company as a shining beacon of hope. 


I, and most people who aren’t villains in 007 movies, agree with Rebecca that attempting to benefit the environment is a “good” thing. The source of disagreement is the more complicated questions of how and what tradeoffs are being made - which is the case with most of these issues. If acting for the environment comes at a cost somewhere else, who and how some or all of us must bear those costs matters a great deal.

“The current system lets saving the environment come at the cost of the companies and individuals that actually invest in the future of our environment and that is what we need to focus on changing.

Rebecca is making the case that change needs to start with individual choice, that change will be driven by individual choice, that in the aggregate, individual choice can and will be successful. The argument runs that at little personal cost, I can choose to support companies that I believe to be doing the right thing, that my small choice in aggregate among enough like-minded people will drive the competitive markets for goods and services, and together we can change the world.

I agree that individual choice is something we absolutely need. However, I will argue that if we allow ourselves to live in (i) a system of independent individual choices (ii) where doing “good” comes at an individual cost and (iii) benefits from doing “good” are collective, that anytime those three things are true , then we have created a society where the “good” people, the “good” companies are fated to lose the war.

I argue and have developed a quantitative demonstration (a computer model) showing that this approach is not possible in most areas as:

  • When the economic amounts are high enough to impact the environment, they also create unintended consequences in our society;

  • When the economic costs of environmental conservation are low enough to not meaningfully impact our society in detrimental ways, the environmental impact is not substantial enough; and

  • When consumers are impacted by the marketing of environmental values rather than actual investments, there is a negative statistical value to investment amounts and market performance.

When the cost of doing the right thing is low enough not to burden consumers, it’s not enough capital to impact the environment. If the costs are high enough to materially impact the environment, the cost are high enough to disadvantage the consumers and companies that pay them. Finally, if consumers buy based on perceptions of environmental values, then companies do well when they spend money on marketing their ‘environmental values’ rather than actually spending money on environmental conservation.

My argument is that, we should not build a society that functions in this way, but it’s what we’ve got with the current system. We have a system with three key attributes (i) independent individual choice, (ii) where there is a cost of environmental conservation, and (iii) everyone shares the benefits of environmental conservation. I would argue that any system, any “tragedy of the commons” problem, cannot be solved through independent individual choice, but instead requires attacking one of those three issues.



Why Do Those Three Things Matter?

First, a system of independent individual choice. Each business and each consumer makes their own choice without a relationship to others. In Rebecca’s example, some waste disposal companies will “do the right thing” some will not. They will both exist at the same time in the same market for waste disposal companies. Some individuals will choose to buy services from a company “doing the right thing” and some will not, they have either option.

There are alternate systems, for example a collective individual choice where we all pick directly, or through representation, to take a collective action on the matter through some systemic approach.

Second, a system where there is a cost of doing the “good” thing. Systems environmental conservation, where not polluting or counter-balancing pollution have real costs play out differently than ones where there’s no cost to doing the right thing. The impact that these costs have is then distributed unequally, based on the individual choices to incur them or not. For example, the business that do “good” either make less money to sustain themselves and compete in their market, or they charge their customers more to “do good” with their purchasing without absorbing the extra cost. If doing “good” means passing that cost on to the consumer, those customers have less money to “do good” elsewhere and have less money to put their kids through school, pay for medical expenses and so on.

There are several alternate systems in this area. Some rely heavily on the development of technology or process innovations that drive down the cost of doing the right thing. In energy production, when the average cost producing, storing, delivering and using solar-based electricity is cheaper than the environmentally degrading alternatives the issue is no longer present. Another type of approach would be to remove the cost differential by creating a cost of degrading the environment that would level the playing field. Example proposals include things like carbon taxes or carbon-credit markets. From a quantitative perspective, often the simplest regime possible is the most effective and the least likely to have unintended consequences.

Third, the benefits from doing “good” are collective. In these systems, even if you don’t do the “good” thing you still benefit from it. Globally, we all breathe the same collective pool of air. Regionally, many countries share the same off-shore fishing areas. More locally, inhabitants must share the same stretches of land. In these cases, if within the pool of collective beneficiaries there isn’t collective action or a leveling of the associated costs, there arise problems.

Alternate systems are those where those making investments get to benefit, to the exclusion of others. An example would be “Pay-to-Play” systems like those of high-cost fishing licenses, where the license fees for fishing are invested in environmental conservation. ]In this example, the pool of participants benefiting from the action are limited to to those willing to pay to join the pool of actors and joining would be a requirement for the entire region, possibly requiring a regional collective.



Tying it all together. When those three thing are true: a system with (i) independent individual choice, (ii) cost of doing the right thing, and (iii) collective benefits from doing the right thing, in that system it’s the non-investors (the free-loaders) that benefit most and have the least cost. In competitive markets, like those in a capitalist society, it means that the free-loaders have the most benefit from convincing everyone else to do the right thing, and those well-meaning environmental investors are disadvantaged. We can demonstrate these unintended consequences and quantify them through using simulation modeling. When we did there was a striking and undeniable support for calls to action that change the way this system works through addressing one, if not all, of the key functional attributes listed above. Either through creating collective choice mechanisms, addressing the comparative cost of environmental investment v. free-loading, or preventing the benefits of investments in environmental sustainability from going to free-loaders.

If we want a world we can inhabit where businesses and consumers doing the right thing does not leave them at a disadvantage in business or society, where we reward the ‘good’ and create natural barriers to exploiting the well-intentioned, we cannot leave our future up to independent individual choice, we need some form of collective, regulatory, or government action.

Analysis

We created a model synthetic economy using basic assumptions then let millions of scenarios play out. We analyzed the results and tried to disprove the hypothesis that firms and consumers without preference for ‘responsible’ products will be more likely to survive and more likely to prosper. To test this we looked for statistically significant differences in these populations from the base-rate.

Key Model Assumptions

  • The ‘responsible’ product costs more to produce than the market standard.

  • Firms compete directly for a limited market of consumers with limited dollars.

  • Each period spawns new firms as market entrants,

  • Each period each individual consumer chooses where to put their dollars and each consumer has preferences.

Key Parameters

  • Firms either produce ‘responsible goods’ or standard goods, choosing to absorb the additional cost or ‘pass’ that cost on to the consumer.

  • Consumers have finite but varying income and costs, resulting in discretionary income

Results

The results of the modeling project were largely as expected. Companies with lower cost-structures fare better in competitive environments due to their ability to capture higher margins or offer lower prices to win market-share. Individuals were less likely to go bankrupt and more likely to end the simulation with more accrued capital if they spent less money on similar goods. The implications for our everyday lives are simple - a system of independent individual choice, where there is a cost of doing “good” (here investing in environmental conservation), where the benefits are shared will disadvantage anyone making investments in the common good.

Company Findings

  • Companies that absorb the cost of environmental investments are statistically less likely to survive in a price-sensitive competitive environment; and

  • Companies that pass the cost of environmental investments on to their consumers are statistically more sensitive to variability in consumer income.

Consumer Findings

  • Individual consumers that absorb the cost of environmental investments are statistically more economically vulnerable to exogenous shocks and bankruptcy; and

  • Even with completely random starting points for income, accrued capital, and spending tendencies, a consumers preference for environmental products investments was a statistically significant predictor of economic hardship.

Complications and Confounds

The most interesting thing about this model was the installation in a marketing layer. This layer required companies to both spend any amount of money on “environmental investments” and any amount of money on “marketing” those investments in order to access the consumer segment preferring purchasing from such companies. In these models, marketing bought eyeball impressions at random from the consumer pool, which accumulated impressions at diminishing returns of the impact they would have on the consumer. When we do this, the dollars spent on “environmental investments” become more negatively impactful while dollars spent on marketing become positively impactful for the company.

The summary for this model is clear: limit your costs maximize your return. Companies that spend less on the actual investments and more on the marketing of what little they did reaped the most value.


Link to Ted Talk: with Rebecca Henderson

[1]https://www.ted.com/talks/rebecca_henderson_to_save_the_climate_we_have_to_reimagine_capitalism?language=en

The Competitive Market Model

LFI Advisory Group is announcing the completion of an advanced “Competitive Market” model that allows dynamic simulations of competitive markets for impact on business and their consumers. This model has allowed us to formulate quantitative scenario tests to approximate real-life events and possibilities. We aim to use those tests to benefit our clients as well as develop a series of public editorial and long-form publications to benefit the public.

The Competitive Market Model allows us to use interact with and dynamically simulate the balance between consumer and the businesses that serve them (either B2C or separate-layer B2B). These simulations quantify the relative importance of real-world factors impacting economics, develop our understanding of what those dynamics mean in the real world, and show the importance of taking strategic approaches. The applicability of the modeling is broad including the ability to assess the impact on markets of regulatory changes, the comparative competitiveness of different approaches, and even the impact that changes in markets will have on the long-term prospects of consumers.

The use of such independent third-party quantitative tools brings validity in a reassuring second voice on an issue, that can use numbers to tell a story, shape a narrative, and bring change that drives results.


Public-Sector Use

Public-Sector partners benefit from a quantitative assessment of how policies will affect competition, overall market-health, and even impact on consumers. What impact will changes to the way markets function, tax-codes are enforcement, what investments are made, or even what policies change the natural balance of systems. Many public sector partners also benefit from having an independent third-party quantify and bring validity to their existing approaches, as well as helping fit the numbers into their communication narratives.

Private-Sector Use

Private partners benefit from the development of market strategies that leverage the quantitative insights afforded from advanced modeling practices. Most private partners don’t know and can’t plan around the cost-benefit of just-in-time supply chains weighted against the likelihood of supply chain disruption.

Long-Term

LFI Advisory group is looking for:

  1. Content Tests. Issue areas, possible use cases, and early partners to further develop specific implementations of the model; or

  2. Usage Partners. LFI is currently developing an internal API for high-level use of the model and capabilities, parties interested in integrating with LFI’s budding suite of technology tools are invited to contact us.

Approaches to Pandemic Response Highlight Risks in US Healthcare

A recent program rolled out in United Kingdom highlighted another critical difference in the difference between the United States and the United Kingdom’s healthcare system and infrastructure (Reuters Article: England to make support payment available through COVID trace app). In this context, the program uses a nationally supported contact-tracing app to identify persons who have recently been exposed to SARS-COV-2, the virus that causes the COVID-19 disease. Those identified persons are offered a support payment of GBP 500.00 (~USD 665.00) to ‘encourage’ them to stay home during a self-quarantine period. The goal of the program is to prevent new infections.

We were asked if such a program made sense in the US context. Our answer is:

  • A well-designed program could easily exceed a “raw” cost-effectiveness ratio of 5:1 (dollars saved to dollars invested).

  • In the U.S., capturing the cost savings would be exceedingly difficult in any but the most narrowly tailored programs (such as those working exclusively within a state-level Medicaid program).

  • There are other lessons to be learned from where our analysis hit barriers for US applicability that could be used to drive improvement in stimulus design, healthcare system design, and beyond.


Our Analysis

The focus for the analysis was to develop a quick, direct, and easily understandable model for assessing a program like the one rolled out in the UK, in the US context, with different cost-basis, different healthcare system, and different focus.

There are Three primary questions:

  1. Is the program cost effective and why?

  2. Would it be applicable to the United States?

  3. What can we learn through a comparison of the two nations?

Cost-Effectiveness

Are “Pay to Stay Home” programs cost effective? The simple answer is that it depends, but they certainly can be if they are designed the right way. The UK program seems to be a thrust in the right direction, but no US equivalent is easily achievable.

To analyze the economics, we created a scenario modeling program with publicly available data, focusing on the US, to assess a hypothetical program that administered roughly one-million incentive payments. We found that the program would average cost savings of roughly USD 2,500 per person paid to stay home, nearing a 5:1 ratio of five dollars returned per dollar invested. Simply, each dollar spent on incentivizing people to stay home that would not have otherwise done so, prevents five dollars of costs from being billed by medical providers to the various parties responsible for paying for those services.

The first issue is a programmatic one with two points (i) did people actually stay home, and (ii) was the incentive payment the reason they stayed home. We assessed that the same contact tracing app could be used to monitor, to a sufficient degree, that the recipient did actually stay home to assume this - but would require specific program design. We also assessed that if the person was recently exposed to the virus through contact tracing, it would be possible to programmatically design an evaluation of a person’s likelihood to stay home. Any assessment of the program would also have balanced that the payments could provide a perverse incentive for people to go out and ‘rack up numbers’ to qualify for the program. For both issues, our team assessed that program-design solutions could address the issues within the 5:1 margin of cost effectiveness allowed for and better focused programs could actually exceed these measures.

Overall a pretty good idea, but what is particularly interesting is how unequally weighted the program’s returns are towards a small group of super-spreaders responsible for the majority of hospitalizations. By the numbers the average savings across all persons was USD 2,500 per person, the median savings was just shy of USD 80. What that means is that, for most people, they were already not going to spread the virus, without spreading the virus they would not cause hospitalization, and without hospitalization, there wouldn’t be additional costs, so there is no cost-savings in prevention. There are, however, a small group of super-spreaders for whom the program is very cost-effective. Those super spreaders are likely to interact with many people, transmit the virus in much higher numbers, and cause many costly hospitalizations that could be prevented by urging those super-spreaders to stay home.

This indicates that is a possibility to improve the program’s cost-effectiveness by improved targeting and aligning the payments with the risks a person poses to spread the infection to persons in high-risk groups. For example, the base payment could be reduced to USD 250 dollars, while potential super-spreaders could have their payment increased to over USD 1,000 for a two-week period.

At this point, our team started to build the allocation models to run the numbers. We had to stop before we went too far down that path as our analysis had a surprising reality check in the difference between how healthcare finance systems are setup and what that means for “cost effectiveness”.


In the United Kingdom

Let’s start with the UK context where “pay to stay home” programs makes sense.

Funding in the UK comes from the population, primarily and near exclusively through tax revenue. The primary provider of medical services is the United Kingdom National Health Service (NHS). This creates a simple dynamic, the people all pay in on the basis of income, and the NHS provides a healthcare services to the entire population.

Financing, or how the cash flows are all wired together to make this work, is very simple in this model. Government taxes pay for medical services directly by paying for the NHS budget.

Medical services in the UK are provided largely by the NHS. Tax dollars eventually flow to NHS and provide medical services, administer programs and infrastructure, as well as funding many other programs in the UK - for better or worse. When medical costs rise, the system has to find more funding or push the UK budget to deficit. When costs go down, the system can run a surplus.

The key point is that there is clear financial attribution in the UK for a large enough portion of the population that paying people to stay home can work. The UK government can invest in the health and well-being of the population and if those programs work, they can generate a return on investment. Other countries with largely nationalized healthcare can take advantage of programs like this, design them and implement effectively for very healthy returns on investment.

“One clear consistent funding and financing system means clear cost and savings allocations are possible”

In the United States

In the U.S., things are much different, from how services are funded, to how financing manages discrepancies in cash-flows, resulting a messy system with little ability to implement similar programs.

Funding for healthcare services in the US comes from the population, just like in the UK. The people pay for it. In the US, those funding models are more complex. Each person may be paying into multiple funding streams for healthcare services that include:

  1. Taxes. Federal, state, and even local taxes that can all fund medical service programs.

  2. Insurance. The US legally requires all persons to have, purchase, and in effect fund healthcare services.

  3. Direct Payments. Even after taxes and insurance, most medical services in the US come with a substantial direct cost to the consumer.

“There is no single nexus point for funding of government programs to capture investment returns”

The key to understanding US funding of the healthcare system is: there is no single nexus point for funding of government programs and any “Pay to Stay Home” program would require participation from multiple layers of government and the private sector to fully fund a program proportionate to the existing system for funding for medical services.

To recap, any one person in the US may pay federal, state, and local taxes that fund medical services, also be required to purchase their own health insurance, and then still be required to pay for their own medical services.

Financing for healthcare services in the US is also more complex than the UK system. While the UK can largely be treated as a single-party financing arrangement, where the UK’s (as a single entity)’s future revenues are what are used to pay down the UK’s expenses; the U.S. has many more layers. In the US there are several parties involved across the public and private sectors, and many of these parties are tied together through complicated contractual arrangements that were designed to transfer risk. Take the following examples as illustrative, where we will assume a person is hospitalized for COVID-19:

  1. Self-Pay. For any uninsured person, there is typically no financing mechanism (unless if they are able to arrange a self-financed solution such as securing a loan). The costs of the uninsured typically fall to patient.

    Preventing a traditional self-pay hospitalization would reduce a personal cost and the medical service provider’s operating cost. Ultimately even those unpaid medical bills are paid by the market through higher bills for everyone. Our team was unwilling to calculate any reliable market reductions in future-cycle cost. Even if they could be calculated, capturing those savings would be near impossible.

    For COVID-19, the CARES act setup a program that covers a large amount of COVID-19-related medical costs for those who (i) visit a participating medical provider, (ii) qualify for, and (iii) effectively leverage the program. For this group, the U.S. Federal Government has financed pandemic care by using taxpayer funding and financing through bond markets, supported by the Federal Reserve’s aggressive bond-buying program.

    So consider that even within this population group, tracking and capturing the savings from prevented medical visits is very difficult in the U.S., while in the UK, they merely track the operating budget of the federally funded and financed NHS.

  2. Medicaid. Medicaid is a federally subsidized, state funded healthcare financing arrangement that uses a blend of federal and state tax dollars, financed through the federal and state bond programs, and supported by the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank’s bond buying programs. Those state programs often work with private insurance companies to administer the programs, for example UnitedHealthcare, the Blue Cross federation, and others. These private partners often have contracts in place that seeks to transfer limited risk to the private sector and create additional complexity in this system.

    A Medicaid patient hospitalized for COVID-19 will incur medical costs, which are then covered by the private insurance company. Up to a point, that additional cost is absorbed by the insurance company, in that year. The following year, the insurance company can use that higher cost to secure higher rates with the State Medicaid program. The delay in prices following costs, effectively creates a very expensive financing mechanism for state governments. Additionally, if that COVID-19 hospitalization is prevented, the insurance company may be entitled to keep the savings as part of their contract with the state program.

    Within this population group, there are little savings that could be captured by a national program without involving the federal and state governments as well as their private insurance partners - all of whom would have to be willing to give up their component of the savings.

Compare these two examples to what would happen if the US adopted the UK’s healthcare system. A single government entity with a clear budget and clearly the owner of the financial risk would have every incentive to and enjoy every dollar returned for programs that invest in public health issues, from COVID-19 hospital utilization reductions, to smoking cessation, to opioid-affected pregnancy prevention programs.

What We Do Know

At this point it is abundantly clear that the COVID-19 pandemic has real healthcare costs in the U.S. and that encouraging parties to stay home, take safety precautions, and abide other medical safety guidance have real monetary benefits. There is every opportunity to design and implement programs that have positive “raw” investment value. The single critical limiting issue for creating an investment opportunity in the U.S. context is the ability to identify, attribute, and capture the savings in an effective manner.